The Kingdom of Galicia in the texts (413-1845).

I. GALLAECIA: GEOGRAPHICAL AND POLITICAL IDENTITY The geographical designation Hispania emerged in the time of Artemidorus (1st century BCE), following the conclusion of the Lusitanian Wars. It likely derives from a Semitic term ( is , Phoenician is , of uncertain meaning – cf. Is-pale, Bait-Is, Is-torg-is, possibly linked to the Guadalquivir River), which replaced the earlier Greek name: Iberia . fig. Eratosthenes map (III - II b.C.) Even earlier, the Greeks divided the Peninsula into two distinct regions. Iberia proper extended along the Mediterranean seaboard as far as the Hérault River in southeastern France, home to the Iberians (with Tartessos representing a special case). The broader area, Κελτική (Celtica), covered the entire western Peninsula and was inhabited by the Κελτιβέροι (“Celts of Iberia”). These should not be confused with the historical Celtiberians of the Upper Meseta – a mixed Celtic-Iberian people known from the Second Punic War – nor with the Κέλτικοι , who descend from those earlier Κελτιβέροι. fig. Artemidoros map (I b.C.) With the arrival of Roman conquest in the south, geographical names evolved according to the most prominent peoples subdued. Thus, the old Greek Κελτική was replaced by Lusitania , which occupied roughly the same original territory (from Gades to the Cantabrian Sea and much of the interior). This ethnonym arose after the prolonged war between Rome and the Lusitanians, pushing the frontier as far as the Douro River. fig. Pomponius Mela map (I a.C.) Similarly, after Decimus Brutus’s decisive victory over the Callaeci of the Douro and the subjugation of the coastal peoples between the Douro and the Miño, a new designation emerged that encompassed the entire northwestern quadrant: Callaecia . (A parallel process occurred in the Upper Meseta, where “Celtiberian” was applied even to peoples outside the Ebro Valley mixed group.) Whereas the Bracari or Artabri had once been called Lusitanians, they now became generically known as Callaeci (a people that later vanished as such). Over time, the name designated the full Roman province, divided into three conventus: Bracara (Braga), Lucus (Lugo), and Asturica (Astorga). fig. Ptolemy map (II a.C.) This geographical space remained remarkably stable with the arrival of the Suebi and the establishment of their kingdom, which naturally adopted the name of the province: Gallaecia (already linked to Gallia). The Suevic kingdom extended eastward to the Pisuerga River, following the Douro, and by conquest reached as far as the River Lamego (between the Tagus and the Douro). This territory – whether as the Suevic kingdom or as an autonomous Visigothic province – retained the same designation until the fragmentation into the kingdoms of Portugal, Castile, Galicia, and León after the reign of Alfonso VII. This geographical and political Gallaecia was far more than a Roman administrative label. It became a living reality, reflected in European literature, diplomacy, and collective consciousness for centuries – as we shall see in the following sections. The Northwest of the Iberian Peninsula: Gallaecia in Remote Antiquity The northwestern corner of the Iberian Peninsula, which we call Greater Gallaecia, was widely known and visited from the most remote antiquity. Its shores were already frequented by Phoenician traders as early as the 1st millennium BCE, in search of gold, tin, and women. The region was also renowned and sought after for its hyperthermal springs. Gallaecia was therefore a sufficiently well-defined and described space, requiring only a few indications to locate it on any map. Chief among these was the toponym Brigantia , referring to the principal city – the ancient Magnus Portus Artabrorum de Luco , likely the present-day A Coruña. This was one of the main ports for maritime trade in goods between northern Europe and the Mediterranean, dating back well beyond the Atlantic Bronze Age. Equally significant was the Farum , the lighthouse built by the Romans, rising to 80 metres in height on an equally elevated promontory. Visible from afar, it served not only as a marker for the proximity of the port of Brigantia, but also as a beacon signalling the turn into the Atlantic Ocean. fig. The Anglo-Saxon 'Cotton' world map (c. 1040): BRIGANTIA, today A Coruña This enduring geographical and cultural identity is vividly captured in the words of Paulus Orosius (early 5th century AD), who describes the region with remarkable precision: “The second angle extends toward the northwest, where Brigantia, a city of Gallaecia, is situated. There stands the tallest lighthouse, one of the few truly remarkable works of engineering, erected as a mirror for Britain [...] The island of Hibernia lies between Britain and Hispania, stretching farther northward from the southwest. Its forward parts face the Cantabrian Ocean and look out across a wide expanse toward Brigantia, the city of Gallaecia, which confronts it from the southwest to the northwest.” This perception of the northwestern Atlantic as a fierce and ominous sea is echoed in early medieval sources. Paul the Deacon, in his Historia Langobardorum (Book I, ca. 763 AD), records the belief that: “They affirm [that the ocean] is fierce and for this reason very deep between the island of Britain and the province of Gallaecia.” ( Pauli Historia Langobardorum , Lib. I, MGH, Rerum Germanicarum, Hannover, 1878, p. 56) Paul’s description of the ocean as a “vorago” – a fierce, deep abyss – reflects the real dangers of the Atlantic coast: powerful tides, sudden storms, and dramatic currents. These accounts reinforced Gallaecia’s image as a remote, almost mythical frontier of the Roman and post-Roman world – a land reached only by the bravest sailors, marked by its towering lighthouse and guarded by an ocean as formidable as it was beautiful. The Administrative and Ecclesiastical Division of Gallaecia The northwestern Iberian Peninsula, which we call Greater Gallaecia, formed one of the six provinces of the Roman and Visigothic administrative system, alongside Baetica, Lusitania, Tarraconensis, Carthaginensis, and (later) Narbonensis. This division remained in force from the time of Polemius Silvius (ca. 385 AD) until the Visigothic period. The province or kingdom of Galicia (Galliciense) occupied virtually the entire northwestern quadrant of the Iberian Peninsula. As Sigebert of Gembloux states in his Chronica (covering the years 718–732): “The kingdom of the third part of the Spains, which is called that of the Galicians, which neither the Visigoths at that time nor the Saracens afterwards were able to subdue, still endures intact, and remains impregnable under the protection of God and the faith.” (Sigberti Gemblacensis: Chronica , MGH, T. VI, Georgius Heinricus Pertz, Hannover, 1844, p. 330) The Cantabrian mountain range was an extension of the Pyrenees, and at its western end lived the Astures: “Where the yoke of the Pyrenees, not far from the second Ocean, descends toward the north, the Astures inhabit a portion of Gallaecia [...]” (Ludovicus Nonius: Hispania sive populorum, urbium, insularum ac fluminum in ea accuratior descriptio , Officina Hieronymi Verdussi, Antwerp, 1607, p. 144) In the time of Isidore of Seville (7th century), Cantabria was included within Galicia: “The regions are parts of the provinces [...] as in Galicia: Cantabria, Asturia.” (Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae ) Asturias itself belonged to the diocese of Britonia (Bretoña): “[Lucus]: XIII.1. To the see of the Britons belong the churches that are among the Britons, together with the monastery of Maximus, and those that are in Asturia.” (F. Glorié: Parrochiale Sueuum , Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina CLXXV, Turnhout, 1965, pp. 143 ss.) The ecclesiastical divisions drawn from the Visigothic conciliar administrative policy, as reflected in the Nomina civitatum Ispanie sedes episcopalium de Gallicia , list the following sees in Galicia: Bracara , Dumio, Portucale (including Magneto from 580), Tude, Auriense, Lucu, Brittania, Asturica, Iria, and possibly Beteke. (Codex Ovetense del Escorial, ca. 780 AD) Bracara sedes : Dumio, Portucale, Tude, Auriense, Lucu, Britonia, Asturica et Iria. (Mozarabic Codex, National Library of Madrid, 9th century) “It [Spain] has six provinces with episcopal sees: (...) The fourth province is GALLICIA: Bracara metropolis, Dumio, Portucale, Tude, Auriense, Yria, Luco, Bretonia et Asturica.” (Chronica Albeldense, III.10) fig. HISPANIA & GALLECIA (Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae ) The Economy From the early medieval period onward, Gallaecia (Galicia) was recognized not only as a fertile and productive land, but also as a significant exporter of a wide range of goods. Its economy thrived on agriculture, fishing, linen production, and other resources, making it a key trading partner for northern Europe — particularly Flanders, where Galician linen was highly valued for the production of fine cloth (lienzo). 1. Fertility and Agricultural Wealth Isidore of Seville, in his Etymologiae (Book XIV, Chapter II, early 7th century), already highlighted the exceptional productivity of Gallaecia: “Et Gallæcia et Hispania non solum in vineis, sed etiam in agris fructuosae sunt” “Both Gallaecia and Hispania are fruitful not only in vineyards, but also in fields.” (Isidori Hispalensis Etymologiae, ed. José Oroz Reta & Manuel A. Marcos Casquero, BAC, Madrid, 2004) This reputation for fertile lands continued into later centuries. 2. Praise in Carolingian Poetry Theodulf of Orléans, a Visigothic scholar at the court of Charlemagne, wrote in his Carmina (Book VI, Verse V, ca. 798–818): “Galliciique soli veniat si cultor opimus, Finitimis praestat qui bona pulchra suis” “If the richest farmer comes from Galician soil, he surpasses his neighbours in the beautiful goods he produces.” (Theodulfi Aurelianensis Episcopi: Carmina, Lib. VI. V, Patrologia Latina, Vol. CV, ed. J.-P. Migne, Paris, 1864, p. 382) 3. Exports to Flanders (13th–14th centuries) Flemish sources explicitly list Galicia as a major supplier of high-value goods. Warnkönig’s Histoire de la Flandre (mid-19th century compilation of medieval trade records) records: “Du royaume de Galice vient sains, vif-argent, vin, cuirs, peleterie et laine” “From the kingdom of Galicia come salt, quicksilver (mercury), wine, leather, furs, and wool.” (Warnkönig: Histoire de la Flandre et de ses institutions civiles et politiques jusqu'à l'année 1305, t. II, pp. 514–515) Galicia and Gelderland: An Early Commercial Link in Late Medieval English Literature One of the most striking and little-known commercial connections appears in the anonymous Croxton Play of the Sacrament (ca. 1491), an English miracle play. The merchant character declares: “In GYLDRE and in GALYS have I bought and sold.” Here, GALYS clearly refers to Galicia (the standard Middle English form for Galice/Galys), while GYLDRE is almost certainly a variant spelling of Gueldre / Gelderland (the historic County and later Duchy of Guelders, modern Gelderland province in the Netherlands). This pairing is highly significant: In the 15th century, Galicia was one of Western Europe’s largest exporters of raw flax (linen fibre), salted fish (especially sardines), wine, salt, and wool. Gelderland, an important agricultural and textile-processing region in the eastern Low Countries, imported large quantities of Galician flax to produce mid-to-high quality cloth for domestic use and re-export to England, Germany, and Scandinavia. Merchants from England (like the one in the Croxton Play) frequently traded through Flemish and Dutch ports (Antwerp, Dordrecht), making Galicia and Gelderland complementary destinations in the same Atlantic commercial network. This is likely one of the earliest literary mentions in English of Galicia as a specific trading partner alongside Gelderland — a connection rarely highlighted in general histories of medieval trade, which tend to focus on Flanders (Bruges, Ghent) or Portugal. It underscores that Galicia was perceived in late medieval England not as a marginal province of “Spain”, but as Galys — a distinct kingdom and economic actor in its own right. Merovingian and Carolingian Coin Finds in Lugo and Santiago de Compostela: Evidence of Early Frankish Connections in Gallaecia (6th–9th centuries) Excavations in the city of Lugo (particularly around the Roman walls and the historic centre) have uncovered a significant quantity of early medieval coinage: Merovingian coins (6th–7th centuries): gold tremisses and denarii from Frankish kings (e.g., Clotaire II, Dagobert I). Carolingian coins (8th–9th centuries): silver denarii of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious, in notable numbers. Anglo-Saxon coins from Northumbria (8th–9th centuries): a smaller number of denarii from kings such as Offa of Mercia or Eadberht of Northumbria. Only a single Arabic coin has been found in these contexts, in contrast to the dozens of Frankish and Anglo-Saxon pieces. These finds indicate that Lugo was an important centre of exchange in northwestern Hispania, with direct commercial and monetary connections to the Frankish kingdom and Anglo-Saxon England. Similar evidence appears in the deepest archaeological layers of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela (8th–9th centuries), where Carolingian silver denarii (Charlemagne and Louis the Pious) have been recovered, alongside late Visigothic and some Anglo-Saxon coins. The presence of Carolingian coinage in the foundational layers of the cathedral confirms that Santiago de Compostela was already a site of wealth and international exchange before the official “discovery” of the Apostle’s tomb (ca. 813–830). Early Frankish Presence in Gallaecia During the Suevic Period (6th–7th centuries) The Frankish presence in Gallaecia dates back to the Suevic kingdom (409–585) and the early Visigothic period. The Parrochiale Sueuum (6th century), a Visigothic ecclesiastical document listing dioceses and monasteries in the Suevic kingdom, already mentions places such as Francos and Francelos within the territory of Gallaecia. Fig. GALICIAN PLACE NAMES: FRANCOS, FRANCELOS, FRANCIA & FRANZA. These toponyms (Francos, Francelos, Francia, Franza) — formed as accusative plurals, a common pattern for ethnic settlements in the Iberian Peninsula — are concentrated almost exclusively north of the Miño River (nearly 40 documented cases). They cluster around royal or noble monasteries (e.g., Samos, Carboeiro, Ferreira de Pantón, Ferreira de Pallares) and natural ports/refuges on the northern coast (e.g., Ría de Ortigueira, Ladriño, Espasante). This distribution suggests early Frankish (likely Merovingian, 6th–7th centuries) settlements in Gallaecia, possibly merchants, refugees, or allied communities integrated by the Suevic or Visigothic authorities. The presence of Frankish merchants in Lugo is documented in the 7th-century Vita Sancti Fructuosi , where Saint Fructuosus attempts to flee to the Holy Land aboard Frankish trading ships docked there or in the nearby port of Burgo (A Coruña). No other region in the Iberian Peninsula shows such a high density of Frankish toponyms, highlighting Gallaecia's unique role as a bridge between the Visigothic/Suevic northwest and the Frankish north. II. SUEBI AND BRITONI IN GALLAECIA: The birth of the first kingdom of Western Europe (411-809). Suevic Kingdom (also known as Kingdom of the Suebi or Kingdom of Gallaecia)The Suevic Kingdom was a Germanic kingdom established in the early 5th century in the Roman province of Gallaecia (roughly modern Galicia and northern Portugal). It is widely regarded as the first independent medieval kingdom to emerge in Western Europe after the fall of the Western Roman Empire.Foundation (409–411)In 409 AD, during the Crossing of the Rhine, Germanic tribes including the Suebi, Vandals, and Alans invaded the Iberian Peninsula. The Suebi, led by King Hermeric, settled in Gallaecia after a foedus (treaty) with the Roman authorities in 411, establishing their kingdom in the northwestern corner of Hispania.Expansion and Key Rulers Hermeric (r. c. 409–438): Founder; signed the initial settlement pact. Rechila (r. 438–448): Expanded the kingdom southward into Lusitania and parts of Baetica; known for military campaigns against remaining Roman forces. Rechiar (r. 448–456): Son of Rechila; the first Germanic king to convert to Catholic Christianity (around 448–449), preceding the Visigothic conversion by over a century. He minted coins bearing the legend "RECCIARIVS REX", one of the earliest examples of royal coinage in post-Roman Europe. Rechiar expanded further but was defeated and killed by the Visigoths at the Battle of the Urbicus River in 456. Religion and Society The Suebi adopted Nicene Catholicism early, distinguishing them from the Arian Visigoths. This facilitated integration with the Hispano-Roman population. The kingdom's ecclesiastical organization influenced later structures, with important synods held in Bracara Augusta (modern Braga), which became the kingdom's main center.The society was a mix of Suebic Germanic settlers and the local Romano-Gallo population, with limited but notable linguistic and toponymic influences (e.g., some Galician place names with possible Germanic roots like -bre or -elle endings).Decline and Fall (456–585)After Rechiar's defeat, the kingdom lost southern territories and entered a period of instability, vassalage to the Visigoths, and internal strife. It regained independence at times but was finally conquered by the Visigothic king Leovigild in 585, who incorporated it into the Visigothic Kingdom.LegacyThe Suevic Kingdom is notable as: The first post-Roman kingdom in Western Europe to achieve stability. The earliest Germanic kingdom to officially adopt Catholicism. A key chapter in Galician history, with lasting cultural and institutional influences in the region. For a detailed and up-to-date exploration featuring experts from various European and Spanish universities, see the acclaimed 2019 Galician TV documentary series "O Reino Suevo da Galiza / El Reino Suevo de Galicia" (directed by Simón Casal, produced by CRTVG -two chapters-). It combines historical analysis with reflections on historiography and is considered one of the best audiovisual resources on the topic: https://www.agalega.gal/videos/category/16360-o-reino-suevo-de-galiciaa The book IN TEMPORE SUEBORUM. El tiempo de los Suevos en la Gallaecia (411-585). El primer reino medieval de Occidente. Volumen de Estudios (coordinated by Jorge López Quiroga, Diputación Provincial de Ourense, 2018, ~480 pages) is a spectacular scholarly companion to the landmark exhibition held in Ourense (2017–2018). Sponsored by the Ourense Provincial Council and supported by the Xunta de Galicia, it gathers cutting-edge studies from international experts on the Suevic Kingdom—the first stable medieval kingdom in post-Roman Western Europe.Key highlights: Historiographical overviews challenging traditional narratives (López Quiroga on the Suevi's origins and "history without beginning"). Archaeological insights into burials, monasteries (e.g., rupestrian sites like San Pedro de Rocas), and material culture. Emphasis on the kingdom's Catholic conversion (pioneering under Martin of Dumio), the Councils of Braga, and resistance to Visigothic conquest in 585. Rich visuals: maps, artifacts, reconstructions that vividly illustrate Galicia's distinct identity as Gallaecia. This volume reinforces the political duality of Galicia vs. Hispania from Suevic times onward, drawing on primary evidence to counter centralized Spanish historiographical biases. Available on Academia.edu (link: https://www.academia.edu/41829783/... ), it's essential reading for anyone exploring the true roots of Galician sovereignty. From the Suevic Kingdom: The Birth of Galicia's Distinct Political-Administrative DualityFrom the Suevic kingdom in Galicia (411–585) emerged a clear political-administrative duality between Spain/Hispania and Galicia as two differentiated national entities—sometimes in opposition. This broad concept of Galicia (Gallaecia / Galliciense Regnum) persisted until at least the 13th century and nominally beyond, in the later nuclear Kingdom of Galicia. Official Spanish historiography largely ignores this duality for obvious ideological and ahistorical reasons: it shatters the fabricated narrative of an eternal, unified Spanish national identity.1. The Councils of Braga (561 and 572): Ecclesiastical Consolidation of the Suevic KingdomThe Councils of Braga were pivotal for organizing the Galician Church, combating Priscillianism and Arianism, and establishing an autonomous metropolitan structure centered in Bracara (Braga), the Suevic capital. First Council of Braga (561), convened under King Ariamir (successor to Chararic), gathered Galician bishops to address persistent Priscillianist heresies and disciplinary issues. It marked a step toward full Catholic integration, with participation from figures like Mailoc (bishop of Britonia) and likely involvement in drafting by Martin of Dumio. Second Council of Braga (572), presided over by King Miro with bishops present, deepened Church-monarchy ties, establishing liturgical, moral, and missionary norms. It reinforced Galician ecclesiastical autonomy (distinct from Visigothic Toledo) and completed the kingdom's Catholic conversion—preceding the Visigoths' under Recaredo in 589. Sources: Acts of the Councils (editions in Monumenta Germaniae Historica); references in Gregory of Tours and Isidore of Seville confirm this independent structure.2. King Miro and Saint Martin of Dumio: The King and the Apostle of ConversionKing Miro (r. ca. 570–583) closely collaborated with the Catholic Church, convening the Second Council of Braga and supporting religious reform. He ruled during expansion and tensions with the Visigoths (Leovigild attempted invasion in 576) and died shortly after defeat in 583.Saint Martin of Dumio (Martin Dumiensis/Bracarensis, ca. 510–580), from Pannonia, was the chief architect of the Suevi's conversion from Arianism to Catholicism. Arriving in Gallaecia around 550–560, he founded the monastery of Dumio (near Braga), served as bishop of Dumio and later Braga, preached, reformed churches, and wrote works such as De correctione rusticorum (against lingering pagan/Celtic superstitions), Formula vitae honestae, and treatises on pride and vainglory—addressed to King Miro. Isidore of Seville praises him as the "most holy pontiff" who converted the Suevi from Arian impiety to the Catholic faith, instituted the rule of faith, and reformed churches. Gregory of Tours highlights his apostolic zeal.This pioneering conversion made the Suevic kingdom the first stable Germanic Catholic realm in Western Europe, strengthening Galician identity as distinct.Key Primary Sources Confirming Galicia as a Kingdom Hydatius (Chronicon, a. 438): "Suevi cum parte plebis Gallæciæ, cui adversabantur, pacis iura confirmant." (The Suevi confirm the peace treaty with the part of the Galician people they were opposed to.) Gregory of Tours (De miraculis S. Martini, Liber I, Cap. XI): "De rege Galliciæ populoque conversis, sive, de Suevis." (On the conversion of the king and people of Galicia, or of the Suevi.) John of Biclaro (Chronicon, a. 570–584): Refers to Miro as king "in provincia Gallæciæ" and Leovigild's disruptions "in Gallæcia suevorum fines"; Audeca seizes the Suevic kingdom in Galicia with tyranny (a. 584). Isidore of Seville (Historia Suevorum): Mentions the kingdom in "Gallæcia" and residual resistance; also notes Gunderic, king of the Vandals, reigning "in Gallæciæ partibus" for 18 years. Chronica ad Sebastianum: Even in Asturian sources (with caution due to later interpolations), Egica associates his son Wittiza to the throne and orders him to reside in Tui "in provincia Gallecie" so the father holds the Gothic kingdom and the son the Suevic one. Continuity in Later Chronicles: Padre Juan de Mariana's Recognition. The Jesuit historian Juan de Mariana (Historia General de España, 1592–1623 editions) explicitly acknowledges Galicia as a distinct kingdom/province, even under Visigothic and Asturian rule, based on ancient sources. Chindasvinto and Recesvinto (7th century): Recesvinto co-reigned with his father Chindasvinto "in the kingdom of Galicia" ("en el reino de Galicia"), showing Galicia retained separate jurisdiction or governance within the Visigothic realm. Egica and Wittiza (late 7th–early 8th century): Egica placed Wittiza in Tui (province of Galicia) to manage the "regnum sueuorum," reinforcing the Galicia–Spain duality. Silo and Alfonso II the Chaste (8th century): Silo as "rex Gallæciæ"; Alfonso (associated by Bermudo/Veremundo) later reigns alone as "Alphonsus rex Gallæciæ," governing partly from Lugo. This confirms Galicia as a recognized kingdom with continuity post-Visigothic era. Mariana, while writing in a context of Hispanic unity, preserves this duality: Galicia is not a mere province but a differentiated national entity—resistant, autonomous, and commercially linked (Flanders, England)—that endured nominally until the 19th century. Official historiography minimizes it to uphold a centralized Castilian–Visigothic narrative, but sources like Mariana and the primaries reveal the truth: Galicia as an impregnable Galliciense Regnum. • « Suevi cum parte PLEBIS GALLÆCIÆ, cui adversabantur, PACIS iura confirmant »- ( Ydacius : "Chronicon 14, A. 438", séc. V). • « CAPUT XI. De REGE GALLICIÆ POPULOQUE conversis, sive, de Suevis » ( Gregorius Turonensis : "Sancti Georgii Florentii Gregorii Episcopi Turonensis opera omnia. De miraculis S. Martini, Liber I. 11. Caput XI", (ed) Theoderici Ruinart, Franciscus Muguet typographica, Paris, 1699, pp. 1012ss.). • « De conciliis in Galliciæ et Hispaniæ regnis » ( Patrologia : “S. Leonis Magni. P. Cacciari Exercitationes in S. Leonis Magnis Opera: De Priscillianistarum Haeresi et Historia Liber Unicus”, La Barriere d’Enfer, Paris, 1846, p. 1044). • « De synodis Asturicensi, Cellenensi, et Bracarensi IN GALLICIÆ REGNIS habitis » ( Patrologia : “S. Leonis Magni. P. Cacciari Exercitationes in S. Leonis Magnis Opera: De Priscillianistarum Haeresi et Historia Liber Unicus”, La Barriere d’Enfer, Paris, 1846, p. 1054) . • « Concilio Tertio Toletano, in Hispania, Gothi Arriani, Episcopi, Presbyteri & primores illius gentis ad Ecclesiam Catholicam redeuntes, in suis Anathematismis coram Episcopis Catholicis totius HISPANIÆ & GALLICIÆ, pronunciatis, anathema dicunt ei quicunq; libellum detestabilem duodecimo anno Leouigildi Regis ab ipsis Gothis tum Arrianis editum, in quo continetur Romanorum ad Arrianam hæresim traductio & in Gloria Patri per Filiuin in Spiritu Sancto & male abiis instituta continentur, pro vero habuerit » ( Ioanne Filesaco : "De Sacra Episcoporum Auctoritate Seu Ad Tit. de Off. Iud. Ord. lib. I. Decretal. Commentarius. Concilium Toletanum III", Macaeus, París, 1605, p. 16). • « Sancta synodus episcoporum totius HISPANIÆ, GALLIÆ ET GALLÆTIÆ in urbe Toletana præcepto principis Reccaredi » ( "Chronicon Ioannis Biclarensis [a. 590]" , Universität Giessen Digital versión: Thomas Gloning, XII/2002). • « Octavo Idus Maii synodos magna XXVII episcoporum HISPANIE, GALLIE ET GALLICIÆ, contrahitur Toleti in templo sanctæ Mariæ. Inter istos erant octo metropolitani, Massona Emeritensis, Euphemius Carpetanus, Leander Hispalensis, Nigecius Narbonensis, Nitigesius Lucensis per procuratorem Pantardum, Pantardus Bracarensis, Euphemius Tarraconensis, Dominicus Carthaginis Spartariæ, Leandro concionem habente » ( Maximus Caesaraugustanus : "Chronicon [col. 630D, ano 590]", Patrologia Latina, vol. LXXX, , J.-P. Migne, París, 1863, p. 628). • « Simili locutione Concilium Toletanum tertium , quod solis Hispanis Episcopis constabat, appellatur uniuersalis Synodus , c.18. Concilium Toletanum IV. itidem Concilium generale, cum soli Sacerdotes, 1. Episcopi HISPANIÆ & GALLICIÆ, apud Toletum conuenissent » ( Ioanne Filesaco : "De Sacra Episcoporum Auctoritate Seu Ad Tit. de Off. Iud. Ord. lib. I. Decretal. Commentarius. Concilium Toletanum IV", Macaeus, Parisiis, 1605, p. 146). • « Nam et si quilibet infra fines SPANIE, GALLIE, GALLECIE vel in cunctis provinciis, que ad aditionem nostri regiminis pertinent, scandalum in quacumque parte contra gentem vel patriam nostrumque regnum vel etiam successorum nostrorum moverit aut movere voluerit, dum hoc in vicinis loci ipsius partibus iuxta numerum miliorum suprascriptum nuntiatum extiterit, aut etiam specialiter quisquis ille a sacerdotibus, clericis, ducibus, comitibus, thiufadis, vicariis vel quibuslibet personis ordinem suprascriptum admonitus fuerit [...] » ( "Lex Visigothorum IX.2.8" , (ed.) Karolus Zeumer, MGH, Leges Nationum Germanicarum, T. I Leges Visigothorum, Hannover & Leipzig, 1902, pp. 372-373). The Bretons in Galicia – Britonia, Mailoc, and the Echoes of Maximus and Arthur The Arrival of the Bretons (5th–6th centuries) The Bretons (insular Britons) arrived in Galicia fleeing the Anglo-Saxon invasions in Britain. It was an organized migration, possibly agreed upon with the Suebi, who controlled the northwest. Sources: Parrochiale Suevum [ PS ] (ca. 572): Lists the diocese of Britonia as independent, with its own bishop (Mailoc/Maeloc). Second Council of Braga (572): Mailoc signs as bishop Britonensis . Council of Lugo (569): Mentions British presence. They arrived in waves (estimates: 5,000–10,000 people, including clergy and nobles), settling in the northwest (Lugo, Mondoñedo, Foz, A Pastoriza). Place names such as Bretoña (Pastoriza, Lu.; Sober, Lu.; Curro-Barro, Lu.), from Britonia / Bretonia [ PS ](572) or Bretios (Sirvián-Guntín, Lu.) from the galician med. PN Bretenos / Bretonos , are direct witnesses. The Privilege of the Diocese of Britonia Britonia was one of the largest dioceses on the peninsula (over 10,000 km²), with 13 parishes and the Monasterio Maximi as its center. Why so large? Suebic concession (King Miro, 6th century) to the Bretons as an autonomous ethno-religious group. They assisted in the Suebi’s conversion to Catholicism (561). They brought organized clergy and Celtic tradition, enriching the Galician Church. The Monasterio Maximi (genitive “of Maximus”) is the curious point. A late Roman name, rare in a Breton context. Speculative hypothesis: It could have been founded by Emperor Magnus Clemens Maximus (383–388), the Hispanic usurper who executed Priscillian (385) and had a strong presence in Gallaecia. If so, it would have been a late Roman anti-Priscillianist monastery that the Bretons reused 150–200 years later. No direct proof exists, but the name + Priscillianist context makes the coincidence highly suggestive. Mailoc: the Brittonic Bishop of Britonia (572) Mailoc (Maeloc) signs the Second Council of Braga (572) and possibly the Council of Lugo (569). A purely Brittonic name ( Magilo-kos = “prince/chief”), unique in Hispania outside Britonia. Curious coincidence: Gildas ( De Excidio Britanniae , ca. 540) mentions a Mailoc as a relative or brother. Gildas writes in the period of final British resistance against the Saxons, when the myth of Arthur begins to crystallize. If it were the same person (or family), Mailoc could have brought to Galicia the oral British tradition, including the “sleeping king.” No direct textual proof, but the identical name + migration context makes the hypothesis highly plausible. The Legend of Arthur in Valle de Brea (Mondoñedo) In the Cathedral of Mondoñedo (successor to San Martiño de Mondoñedo / Britonia), a 12th-century text was discovered two years ago: “[e]t in illa spelunca in Valle de Brea ubi Arturus rex Britanorum dormit in perpetuum” (“and in that cave in the Valley of Brea where Arthur, king of the Britons, sleeps forever”) Mondoñedo was anciently called Vallibria / Valle de Brea . That the myth of the sleeping King Arthur appears precisely in the heart of the former Brittonic diocese is no coincidence. It could be the echo of a tradition brought by the Bretons, who found in Galicia a refuge where the “sleeping king” could continue to sleep. Speculative Conclusion There is a possible chain (unproven, but coherent): Maximus founds the Monasterio Maximi (ca. 385–388) as an anti-Priscillianist symbol. The Bretons arrive (5th–6th centuries), led by Mailoc (possible brother of Gildas), and reuse the site. They bring with them the oral British tradition, which crystallizes into the myth of Arthur. In the 12th century, in Valle de Brea (Mondoñedo), that tradition is fixed in writing. No direct documentary proof exists, but the coincidences (names, place names, migration context) are too strong to be pure chance. The Kingdom of Galicia in the Texts (8th–11th Centuries): Galicia as the Core Regnum, León as a Temporary Seat After the Visigothic collapse (711) and the beginning of Asturian resistance under Pelayo (718), Galicia (Gallæcia, Gallecia, Galletiae, Gallicia) remained a distinct geographical, political, and ecclesiastical entity in the northwest of the Iberian Peninsula. The texts from this period do not speak of an independent “Kingdom of León”; León appears only as a civitas (city) or sedis (temporary royal seat) within the regnum Galletiae. Galicia continued as the nuclear kingdom, inheriting Suevic-Visigothic traditions, with its metropolitan see in Lugo (successor to Braga) and pilgrimage center in Santiago. 1. Galicia as a Distinct Kingdom from Hispania (8th–9th Centuries) Asturian chronicles and external sources recognize Galicia as the heart of the Christian kingdom in the northwest, separated from Hispania (Muslim-controlled or central-southern territories of the peninsula). Chronicon Albeldense (ca. 881) : “et in Gallecia regnavit” (and in Galicia he reigned). Galicia is synonymous with the main territory of the Asturian kingdom. Chronicle of Alfonso III (9th century, Rotensis version) : “Ramiro went to the city of Lugo in Galicia.” Lugo is an administrative center; Galicia is the regnum. Annales Regni Francorum (ca. 798) : “Hadefonsus rex Galleciae et Asturiae” (Alfonso, king of Galicia and Asturias). Galicia takes precedence in the royal title. Beatus manuscripts maps (copies from 8th–11th centuries, e.g., Beato de Valladolid) : “Gallecia” labeled autonomously in the northwest, separated from “Spania” or “Hispania.” (Insert here the corresponding Beatus map, showing the autonomous label “Gallecia” in the northwest quadrant.) fig. Gallecia vs. Hispania Mapa mundi das Etimologias encomendadas por Sancha I, emperatriz da Galiza (c. 1047) 2. León as Civitas and Sedis within Gallecia (9th–10th Centuries) León, repopulated under Ordoño I (mid-9th century), becomes a royal seat from Ordoño II (910 onward), but diplomas and chronicles continue to call the kingdom Galletiae, not Legionensis. Royal diplomas (9th–11th centuries) : 912: “Adefonso regi in ciuitate Legionensi” (Alfonso the king in the city of León). 929: “domnus Adefonsus legionense sedis” (lord Alfonso of the Leonese seat). 940: “Ranimirus rex in legionem ciuitas” (Ramiro king in the city of León). 982: “Ranemirus in civitate regis sedis Legionem” (Ramiro in the royal seat city of León). 1032: “Regnante Sanctius rex in sedis Legionensis” (reigning King Sancho in the Leonese seat). 1042: “regnante principe Fernando… in sede Legionis” (reigning Prince Fernando… in the seat of León). 1108: “regnante rege Adefonso in Legio civitas” (reigning King Alfonso in the city of León). León is consistently “civitas” or “sedis” (seat), never “regnum Legionensis” in this period. Johannes Strauchius (1674, citing medieval sources) : “Ovetum urbs Gallæciæ, olim Regia… Principes Galleciæ sedem transtulerant Legionem” (Oviedo, ancient royal city of Galicia… The princes of Galicia transferred the seat to León). Galicia is the matrix entity. 3. Internal Divisions: Galicia vs. Terra de Foris (11th Century) When the kingdom is divided, it is partitioned between Galletiae (core Galician territory) and Terra de Foris (land from outside/expansion territory, with León as seat). Compostelan diploma (ca. 924, after Ordoño II) : “post discessum huius vite genitoris mei paravit se divisio inter Galletiae et Terra de Foris… fratrem meum domno Santio principem in regno constituto” (after the departure from this life of my father, a division was prepared between Galicia and the land from outside… my brother don Sancho constituted prince in the kingdom). Sancho Ordóñez receives Galicia proper (crowned in Santiago); Alfonso IV receives Terra de Foris (León as seat). Galicia is the “regno” (kingdom); Terra de Foris is the periphery. fig. Mapamundi del Beato de Girona (c. 975) 4. Galicia as a Parallel Nation and Ecclesiastical Province to Hispania (10th–11th Centuries) Papal letters, councils, and European chronicles treat Galicia as a separate entity on par with Hispania. Hadrianus I ( 793-794 , Epistola Hadriani I. Papae ad Episcopos Hispaniae contra Elipandum Toletanae Sedis Episcopum ) : “Adrianus papa, sanctæ catholicæ atque apostolicæ primæque pontifex sedis, dilectissimis fratribus et consacerdotibus nostris, Galliciis Spaniisque ecclesiis praesidentibus, in roseo Christi sanguine salutem” – Galliciis Spaniis “Galicia and Spain” as separate areas. Paulinus Aquileiensis Patriacha ( Libellus Sacrosyllabus contra Elipandum ): “Placuit igitur sancto venerandoque Concilio, quatenus hic libellus pro causa fidei ad Prouincias Galliciæ ac Spaniarum mitti deberet ob noxios resecandos errores, specialiter autem ad Elipandum, Tolitane sedis episcopum, in quo omnis huius negotii constat materia questionum M. R, In nomine patris et filii et Spiritus sancti” Gregory VII (1076, Epistola XVIII) : “in Hispania et Gallicia” – decrees the Roman rite to be observed in “Hispania et Gallicia” as separate areas. cf. : Gratianus (Decretum, citing Toledo XII, 681) : “pontificibus Hispaniae atque Galliciae” (bishops of Hispania and Galicia). Galicia has its own provincial privileges. Toledo XIII Council (683) : “Galliciae atque omnes prouincias Hispaniae” – Galicia mentioned first. 5. Galicia as a European Nation (11th–Early 12th Century Echoes) In lists of Christian nations, Galicia is equated with England, France, etc. Ekkehardi Uraugiensis chronica (1095) : “ex Aquitania… Anglia, Scotia… Galicia, Wasconia, Gallia…” (from Aquitaine… England, Scotland… Galicia, Gascony, France…). Otto of Freising, Chronica (12th century) : Galicia as a nation responding to the crusade call. 6. The Historia Silense (ca. 1118): Galicia as the Principal Kingdom to Legitimize Urraca Written to legitimize Urraca I (1109–1126) and her son Alfonso VII (king of Galicia from childhood), the Silense prioritizes Galicia as the cradle of power, while León is a secondary seat. Galicia is repeatedly the “regnum Gallecie” or “Galleciensium principis” (prince of the Galicians); León is “sedis Legionensis” or the royal pantheon (San Isidoro). The text avoids predominantly calling it the “Kingdom of León”; the legacy is Galician, with coronations in Santiago and Galician support for Urraca. fig. Liber Floridus de Lambert of Saint Omer (c.1120) Conclusion From the 8th to the 11th centuries, Galicia is not an appendix of León or Hispania; it is the nuclear regnum (Galletiae), with León functioning as a civitas/sedis in Terra de Foris. Primary texts—diplomas, chronicles, papal letters, councils—consistently keep Galicia differentiated, with its own identity until Alfonso VI (1065–1109), who reunifies but still uses titles like “rex Legionensis et Gallecie.” The Historia Silense, legitimizing Urraca, confirms that Galicia was the true heart of the kingdom, not León. Miscellanea: References to the Kingdom of Galicia in European Literature (Medieval to Modern Periods) The Legenda Aurea sanctorum (Golden Legend), written by Jacobus de Voragine (ca. 1229–1298), was the most widely read book in medieval Europe after the Bible. William Caxton’s 1483 printed edition translated it from Latin into English and helped spread it across languages. Galicia, as a Christian kingdom in the northwest, appears explicitly in two of its saints’ lives, distinguished from “Spayne” (Hispania) and recognized as a separate realm. 1. Galicia as the Origin of the Tarasque Dragon (in the “Lyf of Saynt Martha”) In the life of Saint Martha (sister of Lazarus), Voragine recounts the legend of the Tarasque dragon on the Rhône (between Arles and Avignon). The monster arrives “by sea from Galicia” and is the offspring of Leviathan (a fierce water serpent) and the “Bonacho” (a beast engendered in Galicia). Original text from Caxton (1483) : “…he cam thyder by see fro GALYCE and was engendryd of leuiathan / whyche is a serpent of the water and is moche woode / and of a beest callyd bonacho / that is engendryd in GALYCE.” Galician translation : “…chegou alí por mar desde Galicia e fora enxendrado por Leviatán, unha serpe acuática moi feroz, e por unha besta chamada Bonacho que se engendra en Galicia .” Saint Martha tames the dragon, but the key point is that Galicia is portrayed as a mythical, dangerous land – the source of legendary monsters – showing its otherness and power in the medieval European imagination. 2. The Legend of Queen Lupa (in the “Lyf of Seint Iames the More”) In the life of Saint James the Greater, Voragine includes the full legend of Queen Lupa. The disciples arrive in Galicia , in the realm of Lupa (explicitly distinguished from “Spayne” or “Hispania”), and the queen tries to deceive them with wild bulls to prevent them from transporting the apostle’s body. The miracle converts them, and Lupa eventually converts. Original text from Caxton (1483) : “…and by the conduyte of thangelle of our lord they arryued in GALYCE arrow_forward in the ROYAME of LUPA / Ther was in Spaygne a quene whiche had to name and also by deseruyng of her lyf Lupa whiche is as moche to saye in englyssh as a she wulf / … And whan LUPA the QUENE herd this / she sent them vnto a right cruel man by trycherye and by gyle as mayster beleth sayth / and some saye it was to the KYNG OF SPAYGNE / …” Galician translation (summarized) : “…e guiados polo anxo do Señor, arribaron a Galicia , ao reino de Lupa . Naquel tempo había en Hispania unha raíña chamada Lupa, que merecía ese nome polo seu xeito de vivir (en inglés, ‘she-wolf’ ou loba). … Cando a raíña Lupa escoitou isto, enviounos con engano e traizón a un home cruel (algúns din que ao rei de Hispania ). …” The legend is repeated (more briefly) in the South English Legendary (ca. 1290): “Into þe lond of Galeis : þare ase þe quene lay, Þat luþur [was] and schrewe inovȝ. : seint Iemes Men a-non Op of þe schipe nomen þat holie bodi : and leiden it opon a ston. Þe ston bi-gan to wexe a-brod : and holuȝ bi-cam a-midde…” Galician translation : “Na terra de Galicia: alí onde a raíña descansaba, que era vil e malvada, os homes de Santiago tomaron de inmediato o corpo santo e o colocaron sobre unha pedra. A pedra comezou a alargarse, e converteuse en cova no centro…” Historical and literary value : These references show that Galicia was known across Europe as an independent Christian kingdom (distinguished from “Spayne/Hispania”), a sacred pilgrimage destination, and a mythical land. The Lupa legend, popularized by the Legenda Aurea and Caxton’s edition, spread this image for centuries.